LIBREVILLE, Gabon â€” There was probably no leader on the African continent who exemplified the conflict between the American governmentâ€™s interests and its highest ideals better than Prime MinisterÂ Meles ZenawiÂ ofÂ Ethiopia.
Mr. Meles, who died on Monday after more than 20 years in power, played the American battle against terrorism brilliantly, painting Ethiopia, a country with a long and storied Christian history, as being on the front lines against Islamist extremism. He extracted prized intelligence, serious diplomatic support and millions of dollars in aid from the United States in exchange for his cooperation against militants in the volatile Horn of Africa, an area of prime concern for Washington.
But he was notoriously repressive, undermining President Obamaâ€™s maxim that â€œAfrica doesnâ€™t need strongmen, it needs strong institutions.â€
Mr. Meles was undoubtedly a strongman. Despite being one of the United Statesâ€™ closest allies on the continent, Mr. Meles repeatedly jailed dissidents and journalists, intimidated opponents and their supporters to win mind-bogglingly one-sided elections, and oversawbrutal campaigns in restive areasÂ of the country where the Ethiopian military has raped and killed many civilians.
No matter that Ethiopia receives more than $800 million in American aid annually. Mr. Meles even went as far as jamming the signal of Voice of America because he did not like its broadcasts. Human rights groups have been urging the United States to cut aid to Ethiopia for years.
So now that he is gone, will the gap between American strategic and ideological goals narrow at all in this complex, pivotal country?
â€œThere is an opportunity here,â€ said Leslie Lefkow, a researcher with Human Rights Watch. â€œIf donors are shrewd, they will use the opportunity that this presents to push a much stronger and bolder human rights stance and need for reform.â€
Most analysts do not expect any sudden moves, however. After Mr. Melesâ€™s death, Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton praised his â€œpersonal commitmentâ€ to lifting Ethiopiaâ€™s economy and â€œhis role in promoting peace and security in the region.â€ But she made no mention of his rights record and gave only a veiled reference to supporting â€œdemocracy and human rightsâ€ in Ethiopia. She also made it clear that the interest in â€œregional securityâ€ had not changed.
One senior American official said Tuesday that â€œthis does not affect policy in the short term,â€ but he added that â€œthere are a number of unknowns.â€
One relative unknown is the man now picked to lead theÂ second-largest country in Africa, Hailemariam Desalegn, who was the foreign minister, deputy prime minister and a Meles acolyte. Though he is from a different ethnic group, the Welayta, he is believed to be a safe choice to protect the interests of Mr. Melesâ€™s Tigrayan minority, which has dominated the Ethiopian economy and political scene since 1991, leading many other ethnic groups to complain about being boxed out and some even to take up arms.
Dan Connell, an American author and professor, interviewed Mr. Meles in June and said it sounded as if he was preparing to die. â€œHe seemed focused on wrapping up a number of major projects as if he were aware the end was near,â€ Mr. Connell said.
The projects included the modernization of the countryâ€™s road network and building big dams; pushing large-scale foreign investment in agriculture (which many rights groups say threatens fragile indigenous groups); and trying to wrap up the war with Eritrea, once a province of Ethiopia that broke away and declared independence in the 1990s.
â€œMeles knew his days were numbered,â€ Mr. Connell said.